Holding Space: A Response to Jasper Bernes, Joshua Clover, and Annie McClanahan

Cops and a Cube cc Spencer McCormick
By Jeremy Kessler
In
“Percentages, Politics, and the Police,” published last Saturday on the
Los Angeles Review of Books website, Jasper Bernes, Joshua Clover, and Annie McClanahan offer a critique of my n+1 piece,
“The Police and the 99 Percent.” It is an honor to engage with writers and activists of their caliber, and I thank the
Los Angeles Review of Books for hosting my reply.
Bernes, Clover, and McClanahan recognize that the question of the relationship between the police and the occupiers “is at the center of the occupation movement’s politics, and its fate,” but they find my answer to that question both practically foolish and ideologically suspect. Indeed, the authors explain that my piece is “a compendium of fallacies, apologetics, wishful thinking, and historical misprisions assembled to defend the strategy of police compliance.” Surprisingly, though the authors affirm the importance of the question and tax my (putative) answer for a lack of realism, they themselves offer no concrete answer to the question of how the protesters at Zuccotti Park and other occupied sites should relate to the police.
They do insist that the Occupation will have to “resort to the old strategies of the strike, the blockade, sabotage and — one hopes — the occupation and expropriation of private property.” This is bold strategic talk; but it is not an answer to the tactical question about what the Occupation should do, right now, about the police. The closest Bernes, Clover, and McClanahan come is a teasing allusion to the organized violence directed at Egyptian police during the Tahrir Square uprising. Ethically, I am opposed to the killing of police personnel. That being said, even if the authors were to label my ethical concern a piece of “capitalist realism” and honestly and openly call for such violence, their call would be terribly unrealistic – a descent into romantic nihilism and not a recipe for effective praxis.
That the authors and I both view each other’s contributions to the debate as pieces of fantasy points toward the nature of our disagreement. Ours is not so much an ideological disagreement as a factual one – concerning conditions on the ground. While Bernes, Clover, and McClanahan call my vision for a broad-based Occupation a program for political quietism, they do not explain how they plan to raise the revolutionary army that will engage in the strikes, blockades, sabotage, and street violence necessary to accomplish their ends. What drives my piece, and all of my writing on the Occupation, is the worry that currently in America there is insufficient political will to achieve serious left-wing ends – whether those ends might be debt cancellation or increased redistribution through parliamentary means or the expropriation of property through extra-legal means. I see the Occupation as a means to generate – gradually, given time – the political will for such left-wing ends.
Bernes, Clover, and McClanahan speak approvingly of a protester’s sign that read “It’s Class Warfare and We’re Losing.” To wage class-warfare successfully, however, requires class-consciousness. I see the Occupation as an attempt to construct class-consciousness in a country where it is sorely lacking. For instance, in my response to a different critique (by Reihan Salam),
“On the Occupation and Vanguardism,” I wrote that “if the Occupation persists, it will alter the national conversation by creating precisely what Reihan calls ‘a new kind of polarization,’ based upon an increasing consciousness of shared suffering. This consciousness could provide the foundations of inter-class solidarity, revealing the overlapping interests of, say, older unskilled workers and younger, relatively low-paid tech workers.”
It is not clear to me at present what the winning form of contemporary class-consciousness – the form that can lead to substantive left-wing victories – might be. Given this obscurity, it seems a bit precipitous for Bernes, Clover, and McClanahan to exclude organized labor from the revolution. Perhaps my use of the phrase “middle-class” in defining a broad-based Occupation has become a distraction. What I meant by middle-class was simply wage-earners above the federal poverty line – this will include nearly all members of unions, as well as millions of people considerably less bourgeois than me and my interlocutors. True, the winning form of class solidarity might not include support from this massive group, but “[a] serious reading of history” will find few revolutions which lacked initial support from the bourgeoisie and the petite bourgeoisie. If Bernes, Clover, and McClanahan are aware of a class-conscious proletariat in America ready to seize the means of production, I wish they would tell me where it’s hiding. I do not think it was present at the 2009 occupation of UC Davis.
In the end, while the authors find utopian my hope that violent confrontation with the police on a mass scale might be deferred as long as possible, I think their enthusiasm for immediate revolutionary violence is far more naïve. They seem to suggest that a month of Occupation has established the conditions for successful revolution in America. I am much less optimistic. As I see it, the Occupation is, in fits and starts, laying groundwork.
My position does not depend on a commitment to absolute nonviolence. It depends on a commitment to the sensitive interpretation of revolutionary change. For now, what is essential is that the Occupation, as a vehicle for consciousness-raising, persists. It is out of this assumption that my thoughts on police-protester relations arose. If fighting the police will only undermine the Occupation, then those who call for violence risk using the Occupation for poetry, not for politics.
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All that being said, let’s turn to the question of what to do about the police right now, and the authors’s criticisms of my original, limited proposal. They incorrectly state that my piece advocated a strategy of “police compliance.” It did not. Rather, I spoke to a very specific question: to what extent should the Occupation – circa early October – actively seek to escalate police violence. I argued that the Occupation should not seek to escalate police violence at the present time for two reasons.
First, I worried that premature escalation would jeopardize the very existence of the Occupation, nipping it in the bud. Bernes, Clover, and McClanahan suggest that my worry has already been contravened by events: that early police violence near Union Square and on Brooklyn Bridge swelled the numbers of the protest, not diminished them. But I began my piece by noting that it was these events that brought attention to the Occupation. My worry was, instead, that there is not a simple linear relationship between increasing police violence and the increasing size of the Occupation. Just because a little violence led to a crucial increase in the strength of the Occupation early on does not mean that a lot of violence will lead to an even larger increase later. My worry was, and remains, that a quick flurry of violence and arrest could end the Occupation before it is sufficiently strong to resist, both physically and rhetorically. I am willing to be – I want to be – corrected on this score, but “Percentages, Politics, and the Police” has not provided correction, only enthusiasm.
Second, I argued that the Occupation should not seek to escalate police violence because police violence would frustrate the populist premise of the Occupation. It would do so in two ways: first, by discouraging more middle-class participation in the Occupation; second, by drawing a sharp and bloody divide between the protesters and the police that would damage the rhetoric of unity that drove the Occupation to begin with and that continues to make it attractive to many of its supporters.
For all of these reasons, when given the options of aggressively antagonizing the police or appealing to them in a positive manner, I supported the latter. I did so because I saw no tactical advantage in aggressively antagonizing the police.
My stance against antagonism did not and does not entail a strategy of “police compliance.” The only passage in my piece that raised the issue of obedience reported on a discussion between protesters who proposed saying to the police “We can’t promise to obey all your orders. But let’s communicate,” and talking with police personnel during marches the better to understand their plans and protocols. These protesters did not support compliance but communication. Continued, outright defiance — the kind of defiance on display at Zuccotti Park everyday —follows happily from their minimal proposals and mine.
Putting aside their mischaracterization of my position on police compliance, Bernes, Clover, and McClanahan are more on point when they describe as historically naïve my hope to convert some of the police to the Occupation’s cause. “Police,” they write, “are charged with disciplining populations. Were they to take the side of the population, they would be without a trade. Any serious reading of history suggests that the police everywhere maintain their fidelity to the task of performing as bodyguards for money, property, and power.”
I don’t disagree with the general point, my hortatory rhetoric to one side. I am not, and have never been, terribly optimistic that direct appeals to the police will lead to mass conversion; I, in fact, noted that a police strike was incredibly unlikely. The gambit of my piece was that a management, rather than a stoking, of tensions would allow the Occupation to grow its base of support. If there were ever a chance of actual police cooperation it would, I noted, come only after a “significant radicalization of the social and political atmosphere.”
At the end of the day, I agree with Bernes, Clover, and McClanahan that such police cooperation is more than likely not in the cards. But our partial knowledge of the future must be tempered by our more complete knowledge of the present. The question remains what behavior toward the currently uncooperative police might actually help to sustain and expand the Occupation. At the Occupy Philadelphia protest, we have recently seen how calls for violence by an ill-positioned minority retard rather than energize the movement. When I wrote “The Police and the 99 Percent,” I did not think that such purposeful antagonism would help the Occupation last or enlarge its base of support. Neither the subsequent critiques nor current events have presented any evidence to the contrary. Actively escalating police violence will not be a viable strategy until the size of the Occupation is such that a high rate of casualties due to injury, demoralization, and arrest can be sustained. Without numbers, the bitterness present in the authors’ prose is a useless ornament.
To be sure, I recognize and embrace the fact that resisting police violence has been and continues to be the essential work of the Occupation. What that means, as it has meant from the beginning of the Occupation, is holding space. Such action on the part of the occupiers is a far cry from “playing by the rules” or “refrain[ing] from doing anything that disrupts the smooth reproduction of the status quo.”
The primacy of holding space in a relatively nonviolent manner, however, does not appeal to Bernes, Clover, and McClanahan. But I don’t really understand how their alternative is supposed to work. If the 5,000 people who marched on Times Square yesterday had charged the police, they would not have secured a left-wing political consensus. The police force which ruthlessly pushed a group of protesters down 46th Street, their pathetic captain barking curses into a megaphone, deserves to be suppressed. Grown men should be ashamed to put on armor and push teenagers, children, and the elderly through midtown Manhattan. But, apparently, they are not; nor, apparently, are there sufficient numbers of protesters willing and capable of holding new ground against the New York Police Department. Here is where realism is most important, and where I find the authors’ purported realism sorely lacking.
The crucial question is not what rules to break but how much space the Occupation can hold and for how long? The answers so far have been decidedly mixed. On Saturday night, a group of protesters — 500 or 600 — met in Washington Square Park to occupy it. After an hour of discussion, it became clear that the group was not adequately prepared to hold the Park. Fourteen people stayed to be arrested. To do any of the things that Bernes, Clover, and McClanahan want the Occupation to do – provide for themselves on a mass scale, expropriate property, and so on – the occupiers need to be able to resist arrest successfully. To prevent arrest either through nonviolent or violent action, you need a sufficient number of bodies. If the authors think that vanguard action will conjure those bodies, I’m willing to listen.
But Bernes, Clover, and McClanahan don’t quite have the courage to call for specific vanguard action. Should the protesters burn a police car, break into a bank, kill a cop? I would wager that they don’t demand such concrete action because they know it would be fruitless and immoral – even according to their own revolutionary calculus. As for the actions they do explicitly call for – strike, blockade, sabotage – I’m all for them (depending on what they’re planning to sabotage). But where, when, and with what forces?
Revolutionary violence is appropriate – if ever – when the conditions for revolutionary change are extant. An economic crisis does not alone provide those conditions. A sustained consciousness of crisis and the consequent solidarity among the vast number of those affected are also necessary. Theorists of the Occupation should address their debates to how such consciousness can be generated. Perhaps through a program of concrete demands (as some on both the old Left and the center-left insist), perhaps through increasingly aggressive direct action (as more anarchists and radical socialists insist). But calls for the Occupation to be something other than what it is deprive the Occupation of its signal virtue: that it exists.
